A timely open letter to the powers that be from a B.C. blogger and activist very worried about what's going to happen at the Occupy protest in Vancouver in the wake of a death at the encampment this past week. He's been a participant up until now, but is urging people to wrap things up before more tragedy occurs.
I'm a communications strategist and writer with a journalism background, a drifter's spirit, and a growing sense of alarm at where this world is going. I am happiest when writing pieces that identify, contextualize and background societal problems big and small in hopes of helping us at least slow our deepening crises.
Sunday, November 06, 2011
Saturday, November 05, 2011
Fired CLBC boss got $345,000 severance package
Say it ain't so! After all the heat and problems at CLBC, all the lost services to vulnerable people, we find out that fired (an important distinction - fired, not laid off or downsized or anything softer like that) CLBC chief Rick Mowles got a $345,000 severance package from the Crown corporation when he was axed last month. Yup, 18 months' severance after being on the job just six years.
Wow. Kudos to TC reporter Lindsay Kines for digging up this important story - he's been an ace on the CLBC issues since the start, and was the only reporter in B.C. even doing any meaningful writing about this stuff until things got so noisy that Global TV and now the Vancouver Sun finally took a look.
Friday, November 04, 2011
Fed changes start from frightening premise
It makes me nervous to read the news stories about plans the
Canadian government has for reshaping the non-profit sector.
Sure, the sector needs some work. What sector doesn’t?
But it’s hardly the unaccountable, inefficient system that
the federal government made it sound like this week in the media coverage about
the new Canada Not-For-Profit Corporations Act.
“Right now, we ask [the non-profit sector] to take on these
jobs,” federal Human Resources Minister Diane Finlay said while announcing new efforts
to ensure more accountability from Canada’s 161,000 registered non-profits and
charities.
“We give them money to do it. They receive the money whether
they achieve their objectives or not. Now all we’re saying is all right, we
still want you to do this, but you get more money if you actually achieve your
objectives.”
Unless you’ve been involved with a non-profit having to jump
through the many - and often meaningless - accountability requirements of
federal funding, you might not appreciate how grating of a statement that is in
a sector that works very hard for its money. How can we trust change pushed by
a government that doesn’t have a clue?
Canada, Britain and the U.S. are all working very hard these
days to extricate government from social responsibility. Their efforts tend to
focus on initiatives that download the funding of community work to someone
other than them.
Socially invested municipalities
and neighbourhoods, new charity hybrids capable of earning their own revenue, mysterious
“investors” who are apparently waiting in the wings to pony up for social causes as long as they
can earn a return on investment - all are integral parts of the three
countries’ plans for non-profit reform.
And maybe such strategies will indeed turn out to be
beneficial. But pardon me for noticing that underneath every proposed change is
an expectation of offloading the cost of social care.
It’s very popular among the government set these days to talk
about how charities and non-profits should run more like businesses.
For the most part, they already do. And that’s remarkable
given the nutty processes, procedural hurdles and nonsensical funding cuts they
deal with as a matter of course. If the goal is a healthy community sector
capable of dealing with increasing social complexity, I’d suggest Ottawa start with
some personal reflection on the many ways its own systems and policies devalue,
complicate and compromise efficient community work.
The nature of non-profit work - running child-care centres,
looking after old people, supporting challenged families, preventing
environmental catastrophe, finding God, reconnecting lost souls - doesn’t
lend itself easily to standard
measurement. In an era when “worth” has only one meaning to government, that’s
a major disadvantage.
So much of non-profit work comes down to value-based goals
like easing human suffering. Building
community. Saving the planet for future generations. Alas, governments like
things that show a return on investment before the next election.
Community work builds “infrastructure” as surely as
construction companies build bridges and roads. So how come nobody has to build
a bridge on year-to-year funding or uncertain contracts squeezed whenever the
government feels like it? How come we don’t hear about road-builders getting
stiffed as a matter of course on annual cost-of-living increases, as is the
case for hundreds of social service agencies in B.C. doing the same work for a
little less each year?
I do agree with government’s push for more tangible evidence
of the benefits of community work. Improvements to the way outcomes are
measured and reported would at least settle once and for all that the non-profit
sector is doing essential, meaningful work.
The sector could use a new name, too, because “non-profit” and
“charitable” instantly bring to mind some pathetic soul who can’t figure out
how to make money and so has to beg.
But what it doesn’t need is a government-led fix that even
in its early days has revealed a biased and negative view of the non-profit
sector.
Modern-day western governments are obsessed with the idea
that charities and non-profits are inefficient users of tax dollars. They think
the growing social divide in their countries are because non-profits and
community members aren’t doing their job well enough, not because they’ve been
hacking apart the social safety net for the better part of 20 years.
They’re wrong. And they won’t set things right with just
more of the same.
Thursday, November 03, 2011
Corporate double-speak can't hide Hydro's problems
You catching all this fast talking coming out of BC Hydro? Takes me back to my old corporate days, with all those interesting interpretations the Big Guys had in order to create the impression of a good bottom line even when there wasn't one. Times Colonist editorial staff did a good analysis of the situation today - it's hard to imagine that any person taking a common-sense look at this thing wouldn't see that we're really just pushing today's problems onto tomorrow's Hydro users.
Also loved the opening to today's TC story on the same issue. BC Hydro can't lose money because the government expects a stable profit for its budget each year, said Hydro's chief financial officer, Charles Reid. Oh, if only that was the way life worked.
Also loved the opening to today's TC story on the same issue. BC Hydro can't lose money because the government expects a stable profit for its budget each year, said Hydro's chief financial officer, Charles Reid. Oh, if only that was the way life worked.
Friday, October 28, 2011
History of sorrows and stumbles for CLBC
All the problems and drama at Community Living B.C. these
days got me digging through the story archives this week to try to see when it
was that things started going wrong for the Crown corporation.
I was prepared to be outraged. But really, I just felt sad.
I’ve often made mention here of a 1978 book I was introduced
to a few years ago, Poor People’s
Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail. I’ve seen so many real-life examples
of the cautionary tales laid out in that fascinating book through my work
helping people with few resources push change.
The heartbreaking story of CLBC just might be the clearest example
yet.
Poor People’s
Movements documents the histories of four protest movements involving
lower-class groups in the U.S. I’d read it in hopes of learning strategies for
shaking things up around homelessness and sex-work issues, but happily
discovered the book was even more valuable for understanding why good intentions
so often go awry in the drive for change.
In B.C.’s community-living movement, the families and
advocates of people with developmental disabilities have always been the ones
driving change. If it weren’t for them, we’d still be back in the day of giant,
impersonal institutions for anyone with a mental handicap, because that’s
certainly the easiest model from a government perspective.
CLBC was to be the movement’s greatest triumph. For the
first time, people whose lives had been touched by developmental disability
were going to be the ones guiding services. Families, advocates and those with
disabilities would no longer be just another category of “stakeholder,” but would
actually be making the decisions.
So how sad is it to see where things have ended up a mere
six years later?
The situation in B.C. feels more challenging than ever for
people with developmental disabilities. It’s harder to find services, harder to
hold onto them, and the certainty of being housed is no longer a given.
During a recent visit
to a local shelter, I was stunned to see how many people with visible
developmental disabilities were there for services - the leading edge of a new
problem that will grow much worse in coming years now that we’re giving up
designated housing for this population.
People are being pushed out of their group homes and
programs even while CLBC senior managers take $14,000 bonuses as thanks from government
for getting that done.
Such revelations from other parts of government generally bring
to mind some opportunistic, cosseted civil servant with no idea of what it
feels like to be in need.
But in the case of CLBC, a number of the senior managers are
the same family members and advocates who led the movement for years - people
who know exactly how it feels. How did it come to this?
If only they’d read the book. It turns out there’s a deadly
phase for grassroots movements, and it comes dressed up like success. It’s the point where the government or
authority they’ve been railing at suddenly puts a friendly arm across their
shoulders and invites them closer to work out a “solution.” Talk turns to joint
committees and partnerships.
Movements must approach such invitations with great care,
warns the book. Stepping inside the circle may look like a win, but it’s more
likely to be a takeover. The goals of the movement are soon crushed beneath the
weight and wishes of the new “partner,” and soon everybody’s too co-opted to
complain.
CLBC was also created in total chaos. I’m a big believer in
organizational culture as a determinant of how things will turn out, and by
that measure CLBC never stood a chance.
Firings, investigations, disgraced ministers, delays, painful
media stories about funds unaccounted for and sweet-deal contracts - it was a
messy, protracted birth. Add in the constant reorgs that have swept through
CLBC since its inception, and I doubt the Crown corporation has known many
normal days.
And that’s not even taking into account the politics. Cutting
social services has always been a top priority of the B.C. Liberals, and
community living has been in their sites for 10 years now. The cost of housing
people has been a particular irritant, which is why CLBC execs were up until
recently being rewarded for moving people out of their group homes.
Families and advocates for this issue know how to fight, and
it’s good to see them out there again. They won’t trust as easily next time,
but what a discouraging truth that is.
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